L’invito della senatrice Warren ad Amazon di oscurare un libro covid19-negazionista non è soppressivo della libertà di parola degli autori

Interessante lite sul diritto della senatrice Elizabeth Warren di chiedere ad Amazon di togliere/oscurare dal suo marketplace un libro negazionista del covid 19 (prefato da Robert Kennedy, notorio  no-vax)

Tale richiesta non è coercitiva verso gli aa. del libro , non violando il 1 emendamento (che riguarda condotte pubbliche, anzi dello Stato)

Si tratta dell’appello del 9 circuito 4 maggio 2023, No. 22-3545m, Robert Kennedy , Mercola e altri c. E. Warren.

Il rigetto della domanda di inibitoria (They sought a preliminary injunction requiring Senator Warren to remove the letter from her website, to issue a public retraction, and to refrain from sending similar letters in the future) è confermato in appello.

Era assai improbabile un risultato diverso: è impossibile vedere nella mossa di Warren una coercizione anzichè un mera persuasione vs. Amazon.

Dal Summary iniziale:

Turning to the merits, the panel held that because the plaintiffs did not raise a serious question on the merits of their First Amendment claim, the district court did not abuse its discretion by denying a preliminary injunction. The crux of plaintiffs’ case was that Senator Warren engaged in conduct prohibited under Bantam Books, Inc. v. Sullivan, 372 U.S. 58 (1963), by attempting to coerce Amazon into stifling their protected speech. Following Bantam Books, lower courts have drawn a sharp line wherein a government official’s attempt to persuade is permissible government speech, while an attempt to coerce is unlawful government censorship.
The panel applied a four-factor framework, formulated by the Second Circuit, and agreed with the district court that Senator Warren’s letter did not cross the constitutional line between persuasion and coercion. First, concerning the government official’s word choice and tone, the panel held that Senator Warren’s words on the page and the tone of the interaction suggested that the letter was intended and received as nothing more than an attempt to persuade.

Second, concerning whether the official had regulatory authority over the conduct at issue, the panel held that this factor weighed against finding impermissible coercion. Elizabeth Warren, as a single Senator, had no unilateral power to penalize Amazon for promoting the book. This absence of authority influenced how a reasonable person would read her letter. Third, concerning whether the recipient perceived the message as a threat, the panel held that there was no evidence that Amazon changed its algorithms in response to Senator Warren’s letter, let alone that it felt compelled to do so. Fourth, concerning whether the communication referred to any adverse consequences if the recipient refused to comply, the panel held that Senator Warren’s silence on adverse consequences supported the view that she sought to pressure Amazon by calling attention to an important issue and mobilizing public sentiment, not by leveling threats. Senator Warren never hinted that she would take specific action to investigate or prosecute Amazon.
The panel concluded that the plaintiffs had not raised a serious question as to whether Senator Warren’s letter constituted an unlawful threat in violation of the First Amendment. Accordingly, the panel held that the district court did not abuse its discretion in denying the plaintiffs’ request for a preliminary injunction.

(notizia e link alla sentenza dal blog del prof. Eric Goldman)

Nuovo accurato esame (e rigetto) della tesi per cui Twitter è state actor quando censura i post

Altro caso di seguace di Trump circa la tesi della frode elettorale nelle elezioni 2020   ,  in cui Twitter flaggò con frasi cautelative (e poi sospese)  i post ritenuti estremisti e quindi contrari alla propria policy.

Questi ad es. (persona di una certa cultura, peraltro):

<Audit every California ballot Election fraud is rampant nationwide and we all know California is one of the culprits Do it to protect the integrity of that state’s elections>

L’appello del 9 circuito, 10 marzo 2023, n° 22-15071, R. O’Handley c. Twitter e altri, rigetta la strampalat tesi che mira a ripristinare i post flaggati/account sospesi  in base al 1 emendamento, considerando Twitter strumento pubblicistico.

Sono analizzati tutti i soliti argomenti e la corte conferma il 1 grado. Sentenza chiara ed istruttiva come ripasso sul tema.

Riporto solo questo passaggio:

<<As a private company, Twitter is not ordinarily subject to the Constitution’s constraints. See Prager University v. Google LLC, 951 F.3d 991, 995–99 (9th Cir. 2020). Determining whether this is one of the exceptional cases in which a private entity will be treated as a state actor for constitutional purposes requires us to grapple with the state action doctrine. This area of the law is far from a “model of consistency,” Lebron v. National Railroad Passenger Corp., 513 U.S. 374, 378 (1995) (citation omitted), due in no small measure to the fact that “[w]hat is fairly attributable [to the State] is a matter of normative judgment, and the criteria lack rigid simplicity,” Brentwood Academy v. Tennessee Secondary School Athletic Association, 531 U.S. 288, 295 (2001).     Despite the doctrine’s complexity, this case turns on the simple fact that Twitter acted in accordance with its own content-moderation policy when it limited other users’ access to O’Handley’s posts and ultimately suspended his account. Because of that central fact, we hold that Twitter did not operate as a state actor and therefore did not violate the Constitution.>>

(notizia e link alla sentenza dal blog del prof. Eric Goldman)

Le etichette poste da Facebobok sopra i post degli utenti, a seguito di fact checking, non sono diffamatorie ma esercizio del diritto di parola

Facebook pone due etichette a due post (video) di un giornalista leggermente negazionsta circa il surriscaldamento globale:

  1. Missing Context” e sotto “Independent fact-checkers say the information could mislead people.” e sotto ancora a button with the words “See Why” (premendo il quale si aprono ulteriori finestre spiegatorie)
  2. “Partly False Information” s ttto “Checked by independent fact-checkers.”, sotto ancora appare il button with the words “See Why.” (premendo il quale si aprono ulteriori finestre spiegatorie)

Il giornalista cita Fb per diffamazione.

La corte del distretto nord della California con sentenza 11 ottobre 2022 Case 5:21-cv-07385-VKD , Stossel v. Meta, però rigetta perchè, stante la disciplina anti SLAPP (mirante ad evitare inibizioni o intimidazioni della libera espressione del pensiero su temi di pubblico interesse) , l’attività di Fb è coperta dal Primo Emendamento.

E’ veo che questo si applica a espressioni di giudizi e non di fatti, p. 12 righe 10-11: però l’attività di etichettatura da fact checking consiste proprio in giudizi.

Direi che la sentenza è esatta: ci mancherebbe che la piattaforma non potesse suggerire avvertenze di possibile falsità dei post dei suoi utenti.

(notizia e link alla sentenza dal blog del prof. Eric Goldman)

Uso di marchio altrui in NFTs (non-fungible tokens): respinta l’eccezione artistica e quella da diritto di parola

Il distretto sud di New York decide (per ora) la lite Hermes Int’l v. Rothschild con sentenza 18 maggio 2022, caso n 22-CV-384 (JSR) , rigettando l’istanza di dismissal del convenuto.

L’attore è la nota casa di moda Hermes (H.) . Convenuto è l’artista digitale Mason Rotschild (R., proveniente dal mondo della moda) che ha creato e diffuso in commercio NFTs riproducenti le esclusive borse Hermes “Birkin”, chiamandole “MetaBirkins” (anche se con qualche modifica: sfuocatura + copertura di pelliccia).

H. aziona il diritto di marchio. R. si difende in primis eccependo l’artisticità e invocando il Primo Emendamento sulla base del precedente Rogers v. Grimaldi del 1989 (effettivamente abbastanza simile , relativo al film Ginger e Fred di Fellini).

La corte concede che si applichi il test ideato dal precedente cit. ma non lo ritiene soddisfatto perchè: 1) l’uso del marchio è artisticamente non necessitato (è un pretesto), 2) è anche misleading circa l’origine del prodotto.

L’uso nel commercio di segni distintivi iconici altrui (sopratutto dell’alta moda) sta diventando un tema importante e di non facile soluzione.

IN linea di principio, essendo forte il rischio di approfittamento della notorietà altrui, l’eccezione di esercizio di un diritto fondamentale (libertà di critica o di espressione) sarà da accogliere solo in pochi e evidenti casi.

DA un lato si potrebbe dire che anche chi sta nel commercio -seppur da artista; o anche non da artista, caso ancora più complicato- ha diritto di esprimersi sui temi socioculturali; dall’altro però potrebbe replicarsi che lo dovrebbe fare non nella sede commerciale ma come privato (perchè mai non in sede artistica, si potrebbe controreplicare, trattandosi di artista) e/o che vi sia un minimo di elaborazione culturale nella proposta artistica che poi cade sub iudice.

Il nostro art. 21.1 cpi  pone si il criterio genrale della correttezza professionale ma poi non menziona il diritto di artista e/o di parola.  Forse con molto sforzo lo si potrebbe ravvisare nella lettera c).

Riporto solo il passagggio in sentenza su concetto e pratica di NFTs, che non tutti ancora conoscono:

<<FTs, or “non-fungible tokens,” are units of data stored on a blockchain that are created to transfer ownership of either physical things or digital media. Id. ¶ 4. When NFTs are created, or “minted,” they are listed on an NFT marketplace where NFTs can be sold, traded, etc., in accordance with “smart contracts” that govern the transfers. Id. ¶¶ 61, 63. Because NFTs can be easily sold and resold with a transaction history securely stored on the blockchain, NFTs can function as investments that can store value and increase value over time. Id. ¶ 69.

When an NFT is linked to digital media, the NFT and corresponding smart contract are stored on the blockchain and are linked to digital media files (e.g., JPEG images, .mp4 video files, or .mp3 music files) to create a uniquely identifiable digital media file. Id. ¶ 60. The NFTs and smart contracts are stored on the blockchain (so that they can be traced), but the digital media files to which the NFTs point are stored separately, usually on either a single central server or a decentralized network. Id. ¶ 62.

This means that an NFT could link to a digital media file that is just an image of a handbag or could link to a different kind of digital media file that is a virtual handbag that can be worn in a virtual world. Fashion companies are just starting to branch out into offering virtual fashion items that can be worn in virtual worlds online (most commonly, for now, in the context of videogames, but with potential to expand into other virtual worlds and platforms as those develop), and NFTs can be used to create and sell such virtual fashion items. However, while Hermes calls what Rothschild sells “digital handbags,” they do not dispute that what Rothschild sells are digital images of (faux fur, not leather) Birkin bags, and not virtually wearable Birkin bags.

Fashion brands are beginning to create and offer digital replicas of their real-life products to put in digital fashion shows or otherwise use in the metaverse. Am. Compl. ¶ 66. NFTs can link to any kind of digital media, including virtual fashion items that can be worn in virtual worlds online. Id. Brands sometimes partner with collaborators in offering co-branded virtual fashion products. Id. ¶ 67.>>

Decisione confermata da US DISTRICT COURT- SOUTHERN DISTRICT OF NEW YORK, caso 22-cv-384 (JSR), del 5 ottobre 2022 , che rigetta la domanda di interlocutory review..

Anzi si legge (ad es in reuters.com)  che l’8 febbraio 2023 sarebbe stato emesso il rigetto definitivo dell’appello.

V. ora il saggio di Rebecca Tushnet, Bad Spaniels, Counterfeit Methodists, and Lying Birds: How Trademark Law Reinvented Strict Scrutiny (March 13, 2023) : approfondita rassegna in vista della decisione della Corte Suprema nel caso Bad Spaniels v. Jack Daniel’s relativo alla parodia del primo verso il secondo.

Le pagine Facebook e Twitter dei Trustees di una scuola pubblica sono “public forum” e devono rispettare il Primo Emendamento

Aprofondita sentenza di appello sull’oggetto, resa dal 9° Circuito, 27 luglio 2022, Nos. 21-55118 e 21-55157, D.C. No. 3:17-cv-02215-BEN-JLB, Garnier v. O’Connor-Ratcliff  e Zane.

Alcuni Trustees del Poway Unified School District (“PUSD” or the “District”) Board of Trustees (scuola pubblica, parrebbe: non si potrebbe ravvisare public forum per una scuola privata) bannarono due genitori dalla pagina Facebook (F.) per le loro critiche continue e estese , anche se non offensive

I genitori agirono per violazione del Primo  Emendamento (libertà di parola)  in relazione al 42 U.S. Code § 1983 – Civil action for deprivation of rights.

L’appello conferma il primo grado dicendo che ricorre State Action (color of state law) e che il Primo Emendamento va rispettato anche sui social media, se usati nel dialogo con i cittadini: essi infatti diventano Designated Public Fora.

Succo: << The Garniers’ claims present an issue of first impression
in this Circuit: whether a state official violates the First
Amendment by creating a publicly accessible social media
page related to his or her official duties and then blocking
certain members of the public from that page because of the
nature of their comments. For the following reasons, we
hold that, under the circumstances presented here, the
Trustees have acted under color of state law by using their
social media pages as public fora in carrying out their official
duties. We further hold that, applying First Amendment
public forum criteria, the restrictions imposed on the
Garniers’ expression are not appropriately tailored to serve
a significant governmental interest and so are invalid. We
therefore affirm the district court judgment
>>, p. 6.

Si v. poi:

– i quattro criteri per ravvisare State Action, p. 18.

– il concetto di <designated public forum> e di <limited public forum>, p. 35.

– non è spam giustificativo della censura la continuata rieptizione di post critici, p. 39 ss

– l’usare i filtri Word, permesso da F., non fa diventare chiuso quello che altrimenti  è un public forum, p,. 15 ss

(notizia e link alla sentenza dal blog del prof. Eric Goldman)

Il divieto di usare social media non è troppo vago in relaizone al Primo Emendamento

Circa la c.d. probation di un minore (sospensione condizionale della pena, suppergiù) , la condizione <<that he “not knowingly post, display or transmit on social media or through his cell phone any symbols or information that [he] knows to be, or that the Probation Officer informs [him] to be, gang-related.”>>  non è troppo vaga e quindi eccessiavamente limitativa del diritto di parola ex Primo Emendamento

Così L?appello della California 21 luglio 2022 H048553, H048979 (Santa Clara County Super. Ct. No. 19JV43778), in re J.T..

In particolare sul concetto di <social media>:

<< As minor acknowledges, the dictionary provides a definition of the term “social
media.” According to the Oxford English Dictionary, “social media” constitutes
“websites and applications which enable users to create and share content or to
participate in social networking.” (Oxford English Dict. Online (2022)
<https://www.oed.com/view/Entry/183739?redirectedFrom=social+media#eid272386371
> [as of July 21, 2022], archived at: <https://perma.cc/S6WV-Q3SK>.) Thus, a
practical, acceptable, and common-sense definition of the term exists, which is what a
probation condition needs to pass constitutional muster.

In determining the adequacy of the notice provided by a probation condition, we
are guided by the general principle that the condition’s language must only have
“ ‘ “
reasonable specificity,” ’ ” not “ ‘mathematical certainty.’ ” (Sheena K., supra,
40 Cal.4th at p. 890.) And, a probation condition is sufficiently specific “ ‘ “if any
reasonable and practical construction can be given its language or if its terms may be
made reasonably certain by reference to other definable sources.” ’ ” (
People v. Lopez
(1998) 66 Cal.App.4th 615, 630 (Lopez).)
Here, the term “social media” has a reasonably certain definition: websites where
users are able to share and generate content, and find and connect with other users of
common interests. Moreover, the condition’s purpose—to deter minor from engaging in
street gang activity—lends the needed clarity. A trial court’s reasons for imposing a
probation condition can cure a vagueness problem because “ ‘abstract legal commands
must be applied in a specific
context. A contextual application of otherwise unqualified
legal language may supply the clue to a law’s meaning, giving facially standardless
language a constitutionally sufficient concreteness.’ ” (
Lopez, supra, 66 Cal.App.4th at
p. 630.)
For example, in
In re Malik J. (2015) 240 Cal.App.4th 896 (Malik J.), the
appellate court considered whether a probation condition requiring the minor to
“ ‘provide all passwords to any electronic devices, including cell phones, computers or
[notepads], within [the probationer’s] custody or control’ ” was unconstitutionally vague
or overbroad. (
Id. at p. 900.) The minor argued that the phrase “ ‘any electronic
devices’ ” could be interpreted to include Kindles, PlayStations, iPods, the codes to his
car, home security system, or even his ATM card. (
Id. at p. 904.) The appellate court
observed that the search condition was imposed in response to the trial court’s concern
that the minor would use items such as his cell phone to coordinate with other offenders
and because he had previously robbed people of their iPhones. (
Id. at pp. 904-905.)
Therefore, the appellate court concluded that it was reasonably clear that the condition

was meant to encompass “similar electronic devices within [minor’s] custody and control
that might be stolen property, and not, as [minor] conjectures, to authorize a search of his
Kindle to see what books he is reading or require him to turn over his ATM password.”
(
Id. at p. 905.)
As in
Malik J., the condition’s purpose here—to deter minor from engaging in
street gang activity—provides guidance to minor and clarifies what types of “social
media” the condition intends to target. When deciding to impose gang conditions, the
juvenile court noted that the probation report disclosed that minor “wore red clothing
[and] seemed to hang out with Norte[ñ]o street gang guys,” and that there were “various
photos posted and included in the probation report as well as the Instagram issues and
tattoo issues.” The court’s statements render it “reasonably clear” that the condition was
intended to prohibit street gang-related activity on websites where users are able to share
and generate content. (
Malik J., supra, 240 Cal.App.4th at p. 905.)
Minor relies on
Packingham v. North Carolina (2017) 137 S.Ct. 1730
(
Packingham) for his vagueness claim, but that case is inapposite here. Unlike this case,
Packingham did not involve a probation condition; it involved a law that made it a felony
for registered sex offenders, including those who had completed their sentences, to
“access . . . a number of websites, including commonplace social media websites like
Facebook and Twitter.” (
Id. at p. 1733.) The Supreme Court held that the law violated
the First Amendment because it “ ‘burden[ed] substantially more speech than is necessary
to further the government’s legitimate interests’ ” in protecting children from sexual
abuse. (
Id. at p. 1736.) Packingham does not address the issue before us—whether the
term “social media,” as used in a probation condition that forbids gang-related postings,
displays, or transmissions, is unconstitutionally vague. “ ‘ ‘ “[C]ases are not authority for
propositions not considered.’ ” ’ ” (
People v. Baker (2021) 10 Cal.5th 1044, 1109.)
For all of these reasons, we do not find the term “social media” to be
unconstitutionally vague as used in the challenged probation condition
>>

Conflitto tra diritto di parola e diritto di autore : una particolare ma interessante fattispecie decisa a favore del primo

Tizio , restando anonimo con l’account @CallMeMoneyBags , critica su Twitter un tale Brian Sheth, a private-equity billionaire, postando messaggi e foto di lui.

Una società di couinicazione , però , quale sedicente titolare dei diritti sulle foto , chiede a Twitter di dargli il nome ex 17 §512.h US CODE.

Il giudice rigetta accogliendo la difesa di Twitter e facendoo prevalere il diritto di parola (di critica, di satira etc.) , anche perchè l’attore non è riuscito a fugare il sospetto di essere veicolo soceitario a disposizione del medesimo sig. Seth.

Così Il distretto nord della California21 giugno 2022, Case 4:20-mc-80214-VC , IN RE DMCA § 512(H) SUBPOENA TO TWITTER, INC.

This is where the mystery surrounding Bayside makes a difference. If the Court were assured that Bayside had no connection to Brian Sheth, a limited disclosure subject to a protective order could perhaps be appropriate. But the circumstances of this subpoena are suspicious. As far as the Court can tell, Bayside was not formed until the month that the tweets about Sheth were posted on Twitter. It appears that Bayside had never registered any copyrights until the registration of these six photographs, which happened after the tweets were posted. And there appears to be no information publicly available about Bayside’s principals, staff, physical location, formation, or purposes.

Given all the unknowns, at oral argument the Court offered Bayside an opportunity to
supplement the record with an evidentiary hearing or additional documentation. Bayside
declined, stating that it preferred the motion to be adjudicated on the current record. There would
perhaps be some benefit in insisting on an evidentiary hearing to explore the circumstances
behind this subpoena—to explore whether Bayside and its counsel are abusing the judicial
process in an effort to discover MoneyBags’s identity for reasons having nothing to do with
copyright law. Perhaps that hearing could even result in an award of attorney’s fees for Twitter.

Il rapporto tra dirito di autore e diritti fondamentali antagonisti è ormai largamentit tratto anche da noi anzi in tutto il copyright europeo.

(notizia e link alla sentenza dal blog del prof. Eric Goldman)

Quando la pagina Facebook di pubblico funzionario è pubblica oppure solo privata?

Interessante questione decisa dal 6° circuito di appello , Lindke v. Freed 27.06.2022, No. 21-2977 .

Un pubblico funzionario aveva bannato dal suo account Faceboook un “amico” troppo critico verso di lui.

La successiva azione del’escluso , basata sul Primo Emendamento (State action doctrine) , viene però in appello respinta perchè il funzinario aveva aperto la pagine F. non nella veste, ma come prIvato.

Ciò anceh se aveva indicato il suo ruolo pubblico e se interloquiva con gli amici F. su temi istituzionali

La parte rilevante è sub C, che ci sonclude così:a< But our state-action anchors are missing here. Freed did not operate his page to fulfill any actual or apparent duty of his office. And he didn’t use his governmental authority to maintain it. Thus, he was acting in his personal capacity—and there was no state action>>

(notizia e link alla sentenza dal blog del prof Eric Goldman)

L’editorial judgment delle piattafrome social , in quanto esercizio del diritto di parola, è coperto dal Primo Emendamento

E’ stata data la notizia circa la sentenza di appello 23 maggio 2022 dell’11 circuito, USCA11 Case: 21-12355 , Netchoice LLc e altri c. ATTORNEY GENERAL, STATE OF FLORIDA (link fornito da varie fonti), circa la legittimità di una legge della Florida regolante e vincolante in vario modo le piattaforme social.

Soprattuto tre son i vincoli contestati:

i) restrizioni sulla content-moderation, ( p. 10);

ii) obblighi di disclosure (p. 12);

iii) obbligo di  fornire i dati all’utente in caso di deplatforming  (p. 13; disposzione invero molti interessante e probabilmente da accogliere, visti i recenti casi italiani di distruzioni immotivate del materiale postato negli anni dall’utente medesimo)

La corte di appello dell’11° circuito, adita dalle piattaforme la ritiene sostanzialmente incostituzionale, in quanto troppo inibente la freedom of speech tutelata dal Primo Emendamento.

Il presupposto , importante, è che le piattafforme sono soggetti privati titolari appunto dei diritti da First Amendement: <<The question at the core of this appeal is whether the Facebooks and Twitters of the world—indisputably “private actors” with First Amendment rights—are engaged in constitutionally protected expressive activity when they moderate and curate the content that they disseminate on their platforms. The State of Florida insists that they aren’t, and it has enacted a first-of-its-kind law to combat what some of its proponents perceive to be a concerted effort by “the ‘big tech’ oligarchs in Silicon Valley” to “silenc[e]” “conservative” speech in favor of a “radical leftist” agenda. To that end, the new law would, among other things, prohibit certain social-media companies from “deplatforming” political candidates under any circumstances, prioritizing or deprioritizing any post or message “by or about” a candidate, and, more broadly, removing anything posted by a “journalistic enterprise” based on its content. USCA11 Case: 21-12355 Date Filed: 05/23/2022 Page: 3 of 674 Opinion of the Court 21-12355

We hold that it is substantially likely that social-media companies—even the biggest ones—are “private actors” whose rights the First Amendment protects, Manhattan Cmty., 139 S. Ct. at 1926, that their so-called “content-moderation” decisions constitute protected exercises of editorial judgment, and that the provisions of the new Florida law that restrict large platforms’ ability to engage in content moderation unconstitutionally burden that prerogative. We further conclude that it is substantially likely that one of the law’s particularly onerous disclosure provisions—which would require covered platforms to provide a “thorough rationale” for each and every content-moderation decision they make—violates the First Amendment.

Accordingly, we hold that the companies are entitled to a preliminary injunction prohibiting enforcement of those provisions. Because we think it unlikely that the law’s remaining (and far less burdensome) disclosure provisions violate the First Amendment, we hold that the companies are not entitled to preliminary injunctive relief with respect to them>>

Sul conflitto tra editorial judgment/diritto di free speech in capo alle piattaforme social, da una parte, e diritto dello stato di chiedere conto dei criteri seguiti nella content moderation, dall’altro,  v. l’interessante saggio “Rereading Herbert v. Lando” di E. Douek-G. Lakier, 26 maggio 2022 , richiamante la cit. decisione della Suprema Corte del 1979.

Sulla legge della Florida v. Calvert, First Amendment Battles over Anti-Deplatforming Statutes: Examining Miami Herald Publishing Co. v. Tornillo’s Relevance for Today’s Online Social Media Platform Cases, NY Univ. law review-online, aprile 2022.

Altro rigetto di domanda per presunta violazione del Primo Emendamento a seguito di blocco di account Facebook e Twitter

Implacabile la giurisprudenza USA nel continuare ad affermare che la protezione costituzionale del diritto di parola è concessa solo verso lo Stato o organi pubblici,  non verso privati (quali sono i pur giganteschi social media).

Ora è la volta del Distretto Nord della California a firma del giudice Breyer con provv. 5 maggio 2022, Case 3:22-cv-00737-CRB , Hart. c. Facebook e altri , a seguito di blocco dell’account per ripetuta disinformazione soprattutto in tema di covid-19.

Misinformazione che violava i terms of service (Facebook:  forbade users from sharing “anything . . . [t]hat is unlawful, misleading, discriminatory, or fraudulent.”; Twitter: prohibits using “Twitter’s services to share false or misleading information about COVID-19 which may lead to harm.”).

In particolare sono rigettate le due modalità prospettate dall’attore, evidentemente per superare il dettato costituzionale e la sua interpretazione corrente. Infatti non ricorre nè la cd joint action (tra privato e potere pubblico; v. nota 4 << It is still more difficult to understand how general legislative debates, such as those surrounding Section 230, could provide a President with coercive power over a private company sufficient to confer state action>>) nè la government coercicion, pp. 9-15.

Allo scopo, l’attore aveva citato pure il presidente Biden e il responsabile sanitario Murphy in proprio.  In particolare aveva allegato che <<Biden and Murthy “directed” social media platforms to make four changes: (1) to “measure and publicly share the impact of misinformation on their platform”; (2) to “create a robust enforcement strategy that bridges their properties and provides transparency about the rules”; (3) to “take faster action against harmful posts” because “information travels quite quickly on social media platforms”; and (4) to “promote quality information in their feed algorithm.” Id. ¶¶ 14-17. Hart also alleges that Biden directed Murthy to create a 22-page advisory with “instructions on how social media companies should remove posts with which Murthy and Biden disagree.” Id. ¶ 18.  Finally, Hart alleges that Biden “threatened” social media companies who do not comply by “publicly shaming and humiliating them, stating, ‘They’re killing people”)>>.

Da noi per fortuna l’art. 2 Cost. si applica pacificamente pure verso i soggetti privati.

(notizia e link alla sentenza dal blog del prof. Eric Goldman)